Editorial

On Sept. 14, 2012, thousands of Muslim men took to the streets to shout out their  anger and frustration. After their last prayers, they rose from their assigned genuflection to march and chant anti-American slogans.

They railed against the Evil Empire, and specifically against the small-time director of a second rate film that ridiculed and insulted the Prophet Mohammad.
The calling was the same in Khartoum, Tunis, Jakarta, Saana, Srinagar, Kabul, Benghazi, and Tripoli. But also in Sydney and London. “Death to America, death to infidels.”
The hatred and anger was unmistakable, all of it directed at the United States and the West. The common cry, independent of the nations that hosted them, showed beyond doubt that the identity of all the troubled and the enraged was singularly driven by religion.
And as a result Arab nations proved themselves fragile.
The majority of the states that saw protests are modern creations. They have yet to become states capable of generating and nurturing patriotism. The enduring boundaries are often lines drawn by British and French colonists in the 20th century, mostly fictitious lines that force different peoples to live together.
It was a coexistence that until 2011 was ensured by a slew of dictators who considered themselves friends of the West.
Saddam Hussein was an ally and friend of the United States against Iran.
Bashar al-Assad, a longtime enemy, was transformed into a friend when he chose to support the 2003 Anglo-American war against Saddam, who had suddenly become a mortal foe.
Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak was a U.S. favorite, seen as the protector of peace agreements with Israel, while Tunisian President Zine El Abinine Ben Ali was seen as a great friend to Italy. Libya’s Col. Moammar Qaddafi and Italy Silvio Berlusconi forged
their own bonds.
But 2011 brought riots and insurrections. Mubarak, Ali and Qaddafi were gone in a matter of months. Replacing them were governments that bore the bearded faces of moderate Muslims.
The Ennadah Party flourished in Tunisia while the Muslim Brotherhood ascended in Egypt. Religion became the driving force behind new laws and revised constitutions. This was especially the case among Egyptians, Tunisians, Libyans, Lebanese and Syrian, who all associate with the Sunnah, the path of the prophet.
Behold a large Muslim family and its newfound pride.
The West and the United States is now compelled to deal with that pride, which is young, vigorous and sometimes angry.
Rage united Pakistanis, Lebanese, Syrians, Tunisians, Afghans, and Egyptians. They had days to hear themselves out. They marched to redeem centuries of colonization, abuse, and humiliation.
Most Arab states achieved independence after World War II. At least some of their population grew up under British, French or Italian colonization.
“Like all poor people, we’re touchy and proud,” said Mouldi, born in Tunis when it was still a French colony. He spent a lifetime working on desert film sets with French and Italian filmmakers. When the Arab Spring came, he became a driver to visiting journalists. “I have two children, but they’re unemployed. I dreamed of going to Europe for a few years, but to get there I would have had to go the way of immigrants, through Lampedusa. I knew too many families still mourning children who drowned without a trace.” The dream of the West, for Mouldi, was transformed into a nightmare. For decades, Tunisia and Egypt lived off of tourist revenue. But in 2011 both countries lost visitors. Arab country and their vacation possibilities became less alluring. In 2010, Tunisia’s Ben Ali hiked bread prices. People had reached the breaking point. The revolt began. Though the next American president will need to hold talks with Tunisia’s new government, he’ll also need to communicate with Mouldi and his unemployed sons. In all, the Middle East has never seemed so fragile and delicate.