Migrations in the time of Covid

The pandemic bears the potential to bring change by rethinking the current structure, deepening integration and solidarity through the establishment of a common response to migration, the global challenge of our era

Migration is one of the most problematic and nuanced issues the EU faces. These years have served to design structures such as Frontex (the European border control agency) and establish mechanisms such as the Dublin III Regulation that has proved inadequate to ensure solidarity towards the receiving States (Italy, Greece or Spain). The 2015 migration crisis illustrated the failures of the Dublin system and the inherent institutional flaws of asylum policy. There is a consensus that reform is necessary but there are different perspectives on what equitable sharing of responsibility entails.

Migration is a heavily politicised issue globally, specially for European youth who criticise the normative identity of the EU and are increasingly concerned about human right violations. This crisis provides an historic opportunity for rethinking the current structure, deepening integration and solidarity by establishing a common response. The pandemic poses challenges to the process of reform, as the urgency of the health crisis closed the Schengen space. All of which points to the necessity of employing a geopolitical approach.

Sweden and Denmark: embracing anti-migrant sentiments

Sweden, once seen as the most progressive country in the world on asylum policy and refugee protection, will implement from July on new migration policies in a series of extreme measures targeting immigrants, echoes of harsh Eastern countries rhetoric on asylum and migrant protection. The new migration rules make residence permits for refugees time-limited. Previously, since 1984 Sweden always issued permanent residency permits to asylum seekers. The new rules turn this norm on its head. Permits will only be renewed if the circumstances under which they were first issued still apply.

In Denmark, immigrants will be forced out by government policies. The new law will enable Denmark to deport asylum seekers outside Europe while applications are being processed. Zero-asylum policy is announced, meaning even though only 1,547 people applied for asylum in Denmark in 2020, a 57 percent drop on the previous year, Frederiksen’s government would like to reduce it to zero.

Sweden and Denmark policies make a clear message, they might be liberal paradise for many, but the reality is different for immigrants.

Canary Islands: the prison island

The Atlantic route has become the most dangerous passage to Europe, and yet, according to the United Nations, 20,000 migrants have risked their lives during the last year to reach the Canary Islands. The emergency of the route is in large part a consequence of the pandemic, as unemployment has ravaged the West African states, according to the International Organisation for Migration. The migration crisis shocked the islands, which did not have enough resources or capabilities to cope with an eightfold increase in migrant arrivals.

The mismanagement of both national and European authorities illustrated their incapacity to apply the lessons learned from the previous migration crisis. The Spanish government ́s strategy focused on deportation, as reported by CEAR (the Spanish Refugee Council) instead of relocation of the migrants to the mainland, a tactic seen in Lesbos and Lampedusa. Such a strategy risks converting another one of Europe ́s borders into prison islands, reinforcing border externalisation. Migrants are left in a detention limbo, not knowing when or if their asylum application will be processed and living in inhumane conditions in controversial camps funded by the EU. The influx of migrants have also aroused tensions with locals, encouraging right-wing nationalist parties such as Vox whose leader, Abascal, depicts the situation as a “migratory invasion”, increasing hate speech and Eurosceptic feelings as solidarity among states runs dry.

Morocco, externalisation of migration

The bilateral cooperation agreements with so called “safe third countries” like Morocco has brought about a shift in traditional power dynamics. As stated by the European Commission, Morocco has benefited from over €343 million from the EU’s cooperation portfolio on migration to support their migration management. However, recently these countries have realised their geopolitical influence to exert pressure on the EU and its member states, increasing the tension throughout threatening actions and rhetoric. There are concerns that Morocco did not act to prevent the mass entering of 9,000 migrants to Ceuta as political retaliation for Spanish humanitarian treatment of Covid-19 of Polisario Front leader, who are experiencing renewed tensions.

The geopolitical approach

Migration has resulted in a geopolitical crisis with no precedents, threatening both internal and external cohesion, a real challenge for the common project that boosts a new East-West division within the EU leading to a confrontation between those who repudiate the open-door policy and those who do not. It is time, thus, to take ourselves geopolitically seriously. Looking outwards, Europe has a major strategic opportunity to boost its autonomic strategy. Migration is widely mentioned in the European Global Strategy, recognizing the key role it plays in a quickly changing security landscape. As the pandemic has painfully taught us, global challenges can only be faced through Union. We need to develop a communitarian tailor-made approach featuring human rights, development, security, legal migration, reallocation and return. This means overcoming the East-West fragmentation and reaching broader consensus with third countries acting as a unique actor, a joined-up Union.

This article is also published in the September/October issue of eastwest.

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